by Archil Dzuliashvili
Three years have passed since the Russian intervention of August 2008, when a military operation to invade Georgia was launched by order of the Kremlin. The Russia-Georgia war lasted only five days but the impact and consequences were dramatic and devastating for thousands of Georgians who left their homes and properties for looters and invaders.
After three years passed still many people are wondering why Russia attacked Georgia, why the Russian Government sent thousands of soldiers and tanks, dozens of military fighters and black sea fleet for the “humanitarian intervention” of protecting so-called “Russian citizens” on the Georgian soil.
As it is widely known, Russia’s distribution of passports to the Georgian citizens in the years prior to the war was illegal and a clear violation of Georgian, Russian and international law. The Independent International Fact-Finding Mission’s report on the Conflict in Georgia (Tagliavini Report) states that “the vast majority of purportedly naturalized persons from South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Georgia are not Russian nationals in terms of international law. Neither Georgia nor any third country need acknowledge such Russian nationality”, adding that “the mass conferral of Russian citizenship to Georgian nationals constitutes an open challenge to Georgian sovereignty and an interference in the internal affairs of Georgia.”
Consequently, the report finds that Russia’s rationale of rescuing its citizens is invalid, since they simply were not legally Russian citizens. The EU-commissioned Fact-Finding Mission also states that the Russian military operation in 2008 was well-planned and well-executed. The OSCE underlines that “nearly all the houses in the Georgian villages were completely destroyed, either burnt or bulldozed”. “Amnesty International” and “Human Rights Watch” described numerous facts of human rights violations conducted by the Russian army against ethnic Georgians during the war, such as armed attacks, violence, threats, pillaging and destruction of their properties. Such actions go against the International Humanitarian Law. The report also did not support Russia’s claim that the Russian invasion was response to the Georgian troops attacking so-called “Russian Peacekeepers”. It says that the Commission was unable to confirm the attack on the Russian peacekeepers; even if the attack had occurred, the Commission could not confirm whether peacekeepers were already involved in the combat at the time of alleged attack. And even if the peacekeepers were indeed attacked, Russia could only resort to the limited self-defense operation.
After the 2003 “Rose Revolution”, it became obvious that key expectations of Georgian society are deeply connected with the return of Georgia to the European family. To this end, the Government of Georgia started vibrant and dynamic reforms in all fields of social, economic and political life aimed at ensuring democratic values and principles and achieving European standards. Soon it became obvious that Georgia is manifesting a successful example of transformation in post-Soviet area. Consequently, with the purpose, first of all, to block Georgia’s move towards the NATO and the EU, as well as, consequently, to prevent other former Soviet Republics from following suit, and to control energy and transport corridor between Asia and Europe, the Russian Federation launched a full range military invasion of the country.
In 2008 Moscow sharply escalated the tension and started integration of two Georgian territories into Russia’s legal space which constitutes a form of de facto annexation of Georgian territory. Russia rehabilitated the railway link between Abkhazia and Russia, conducted large scale military exercises near the Georgian borders and Russian high officials and Kremlin controlled media accelerated a so-called information war against Georgia. On August 7, 2008 Russian armed forces, already pre-positioned on the Georgia’s northern border with the Russian Federation, launched a massive, coordinated, and given the scale of the enterprise, premeditated assault on Georgia. Russian forces crossed the border into the Tskhinvali region/South Ossetia, Georgia and, hours later, into Abkhazia, Georgia. The highly calculated, full-scale attack took place on land, at sea, by air, and via cyberspace.
Despite the inequality of the forces on the two sides, with efforts of the Georgian military and security forces, and with support of leaders of the international community and friendly countries, Georgia was able to stop the Russian intervention and advancement deep inside its territory. During the active phase of the Russian military aggression, the Presidents of Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine, and Estonia, and the Prime Minister of Latvia visited Georgia. They unanimously expressed their solidarity with the Georgian people.
On August 12, on behalf of the EU, the President of France Nicolas Sarkozy successfully mediated a ceasefire between Georgia and Russia which stopped the large-scale military aggression of the Russian Federation against Georgia. The five-day defensive operations resulted in hundreds of deaths and thousands of severe injuries on the Georgian side.
The 2008 Russian military aggression also brought a new wave of ethnic cleansing. Up to 140,000 ethnic Georgians were forced to leave their homes. Today, Russia continues to occupy 20 percent of Georgian territories. As a result almost 500,000 internally displaced persons and refugees are restricted from returning home. The international community showed its strong stance recognizing the occupation of the Georgian territories and rights of the Georgian IDPs and refugees to return to their homes.
The European Parliament uses the term “occupation” in every resolution, as do the US government and many parliaments and governments around the world. The US Senate in its resolution officially expressed its clear and unanimous position on Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and recognized the Russian Federation as an occupational force. The UN General Assembly adopted the resolution which condemns the demographic changes in the occupied regions and confirms the necessity of voluntary, dignified and safe return of IDPs and refugees to their homes.
The Geneva International Discussions is the only forum in which negotiations are taking place on the Russia-Georgia conflict with active engagement of the EU, the UN and the OSCE. It was launched in October 2008 in accordance with the August 12, 2008 Ceasefire Agreement. Since 2008, 16 rounds of the Geneva Discussions have been held, however, without tangible results. While Georgia actively participates in the format and spares no effort to reach consensus, Russia continues to undermine substantial discussions on key issues, such as IDP and refugee matters.
Despite the above-mentioned facts, Georgia reaffirms its commitment to peaceful conflict resolution and pledges in line with international law not to use force, fully implement obligations under the EU-mediated ceasefire agreement by Georgia, fully cooperate with the European Union Monitoring Mission (EUMM), and to enforce the implementation of the “State Strategy on the Occupied Territories” with its Action Plan and constructive participation in the Geneva talks.
Georgia’s target is to build confidence between war-affected communities. The above — mentioned State Strategy on Occupied Territories, fosters interaction among populations separated by occupation lines and identify four dimensions of engagement — humanitarian, human, social, and economic. The most recent development in the framework of the Strategy is the elaboration of the status-neutral identification and travel documents for the residents of the Georgian regions under occupation, which will allow them to enjoy a number of privileges such as free healthcare and education, and to travel abroad.
Georgia’s pledge on the non-use of force has not been reciprocated by the Russian Federation. Despite numerous calls, Russia has not agreed to a political dialogue with Georgia, either bilaterally or within the framework of the international organizations. Russia continues to increase its military presence in the occupied regions, turning a blind eye to the direct call of the Ceasefire Agreement to withdraw to the positions held prior to the outbreak of hostilities. In addition to the personnel build-up, Russia has fortified its illegal military infrastructure in the occupied territories and deployed additional equipment, such as multiple-launch rocket systems. The operational range of most recently deployed multiple-launch rocket systems of “Smerch” and “Tochka U” types reaches 120 km. Given the short distance (40 km) to the capital of Georgia, this installment clearly goes beyond Russia’s claims of alleged defensive nature of the system, and has the potential to threaten Georgian territories well beyond the occupied region. According to the intelligence available to the Georgian Government since 2009, Russia’s Security Services have planned, coordinated, and carried out numerous acts of terrorism and sabotage in the capital Tbilisi and in other regions of Georgia. In doing so, they have used the occupied territories as safe havens for preparing these attacks.
Nevertheless, the international community should continue to urge Russia to meet its commitments with respect to Georgia, as mediated by the European Union. International monitors and humanitarian organizations should have unimpeded access throughout all of Georgia, including the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions of Georgia. Russia should stop military buildup and should withdraw its military from the occupied Georgian territories. The Georgian IDPs and refugees should be allowed safe and dignified return to their homes.
Georgia wants civilized, friendly relations with Russia, but this will only become possible if Russia treats Georgia, the Georgian people, its will, its freedom and fundamental rights with respect and gives up vain attempts at restoring in any form the Soviet Empire.
Archil Dzuliashvili is the Ambassador of Georgia in Cairo.
