Columnists explore the continuing internal dispute splitting the Salafi Al-Nour party. Others dedicate their columns to Sinai and the suggested idea of arming tribes to safeguard the peninsula. On another note, some commentaries have discussed the growing debate on the Constituent Assembly and its membership, focusing on the five members who resumed their roles within the assembly after earlier resigning.
Amr Al-Shobaki
Al-Nour conflicts
Al-Masry Al-Youm newspaper
Considering the inner conflicts within the infrastructure of the Salafi Al-Nour party, Al-Shobaki believes that such disputes are probably be common in other parties. The primary reason for such struggles stem from the lack of solid democratic mechanics that regulate internal arguments.
Reports associated with Al-Nour clashes refer to claims that secret meetings have been held between some senior figures of the party with ex-presidential hopeful Ahmed Shafiq right before the results of the presidential elections; without consultation with high board members. The recent developments illustrate an obviously polarised situation within Al-Nour, Al-Shobaki states.
One side is represented by Alexandria’s Salafi Calling group led by Ashraf Thabet and Younes Makhyoun, while the opposing side is described by some as the “reformists,” who refute all kinds of dominance from the former faction. Al-Shobaki thinks that such conflicts are almost traditional and usually arise from the “God Father” of the party, which is the virtual authority in Al-Nour’s board of trustees.
To conclude, the writer states that probably one of the primary reasons behind the clashes within Al-Nour is its conviction that its members are safeguards of the Islamic Shari’a, granting themselves advantage over all other Islamic parties.
Wael Qandil
Good news amid national uproar
Al-Shorouk newspaper
The decision of five Constituent Assembly members to resume their roles in the body after they had announced their resignation delights Qandil. The move, in his opinion, reflects a genuine intention to work for the national interest.
Looking at the names of those who have returned to the assembly, the writer cites a statement that was issued confirming that all members in the assembly will unify efforts on writing a balanced constitution and shy away from distractions and divisions. It is clear, he believes, that the members’ return does not come as forfeiture.
The initiative reflects a level of transparency and clarity within the work of the Constituent Assembly, in Qandil’s view. Those members, who initially represented the secular wing, will represent an honest eye on all the behind the scenes developments taking place in the inner rooms of the assembly.
The writer states that the participation of non-theocratic members is expected to confer on the body the required societal diversity. If the newly-returning figures have succeeded in merging with the Islamic current dominating the assembly, clouds of doubts that have accompanied the constitutional writing process will soon fade away.
Concluding, Qandil states that Egyptians should not think of the return of the members as an indirect display of their secret deals with the Muslim Brotherhood.
Emad Al-Din Hussein
The dangers of arming Sinai’s people
Al-Shorouk newspaper
Exploring the idea of arming thousands of Sinai tribal members worries Hussein. He would prefer to see governmental institutions restore the peninsula as an asset to Egypt’s national security.
Analysts, in Hussein’s viewpoint, should calmly think through the possible plans set by the country’s apparatus, namely the Ministry of Interior, with regards to training and equipping Sinai tribes with weapons in an attempt to safeguard the area. Hussein attempts to answer the question that relates to the consequences of arming such tribes. The inquiry does not necessarily entail a full rejection to the idea, but the importance of dissecting all its angles.
It is logical that enforcing violent protective methods will not succeed as long as Sinai residents continue to lack their basic rights to proper living conditions. Looking at similar experiences, Hussein recalls the Sudanese government, which armed the Janjaweed tribes to kill rebellions from the same tribe in Darfur. The situation resulted in a prolonging civil war rather than ending the conflict.
It is important that Sinai residents be assimilated with the wider population in order for them feel part of Egypt. Hussein rejects plans that would eliminate terrorism but prolong civil wars between Sinai tribes. He notes that such suggestions should be carefully examined so as not to lead to uncontrollable negative consequences. In his opinion, the situation in Sinai requires a general strategy in all fields, not only in security. The peninsula will be purged of any militants only when Sinai inhabitants feel that the government perceives them as effective members in rebuilding Egypt.
Emad Al-Din Adeeb
A society without dialogue
Al-Watan newspaper
Egyptian society lacks tools for dialogue or communication, argues Adeeb. The writer recalls numerous prominent figures in political, cultural and religious spheres, who have been attacked and criticised by the Egyptian community. Whether the ousted President Hosni Mubarak, the once-ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) or even President Mohamed Morsy; all have been vulnerable to excessive criticism.
In brief, the writer claims that a third of the population is judging the remaining two thirds. Adeeb recalls a conversation with Ayman Nour, head of Ghad Al-Thawra party, in which Nour was narrating a court dispute on an inheritance case that has been in front of the judges for almost 49 years now. Leaning on this story, the writer states there is a bold difference between what is being called as a state of law governed by justice and misusing the judiciary to achieve personal interest.
Adeeb points out that such attitudes in the judiciary are reflective of a lack of communication channels and dialogue tools within Egyptian society. The concept of negotiation to settle internal and external conflicts is also clearly missing in society. It is almost impossible for an Egyptian to limit his case in either a police report, an investigation or a court case that lasts forever. Finally, the columnists stresses that Egyptian society lacks basic methods of mutual understanding and appreciation. Egyptians are all responsible for this crime, and media professionals carry the largest burden.
