New York: There are 1.3 billion followers of the Prophet Mohamed; every fifth person prays facing Mecca; every fifth country celebrates Ramadan. In the near future Muslim populations will only continue to increase, as will the importance of Muslim-Western relations and economic exchanges.
Rapid population growth among the poorer classes in some Muslim-majority countries and among blue-collar immigrants to the Western world makes it difficult for these Muslims to prosper economically. In the past, it was possible for the rich to overlook poverty. Not anymore. The internet, media and new modes of transportation have converted the world to a village . As such, there is no more world security without neighborliness .
Poverty today is even harsher than in the past. It does not only mean a lack of resources; it is also an experience of relative scarcity. Many Muslims live in communities of harsh economic and political survival, often in the shadow of elites that squander wealth. According to the latest report from the Human Development Foundation, the majority of the Islamic world falls in the middle and low ranks of human development: Only five Islamic countries had good scores in a combined index that measures life expectancy, literacy, education and income; 27 Islamic countries had medium scores and 25 had low scores.
When deprivation is felt as hunger, sickness and miserable shelter that is one type of experience – a physical one. But when want is felt as a condition of sharp contrast with one s neighbors, in one s home country or across borders, it turns into a malignant political condition.
If the poor organize openly they may improve their conditions. But too often the destitute are unable to organize politically in open society in countries where political organization is often punished severely. Muslims often live in states of autocratic injustice. For example, in the Freedom in the World 2007 report, 11 of the 18 Middle Eastern countries are ranked Not Free and 6 are ranked Partly Free ; it is in these countries that underground politics emerge and thrive.
Under autocratic regimes, covert religious politics operate with immunity: the ruler is too insecure to punish the pious, and therefore these groups of society s disenfranchised adopt Islam as a cover for other grievances. Although sometimes these other grievances are legit, fundamentalism also thrives underground. Their funding and human resources are generated in the informal milieu, without any government or social restrictions. Members of these groups often live sequestered. And the rest of society goes about its business, unable or unwilling to counter those underground groups that lean towards extremism and violence, as they struggle with their own very real concerns.
The general public is not able to exercise social pressure to reduce the existence and influence of these groups. Therefore, the best way to limit radical underground Islam is by working with Muslim countries to create freedom and the space needed for the evolution of a traditional political system, the lack of which has forced vigilantes and other activists underground, to evolve.
Muslims need not be taught democracy; they already have the necessary political values to build a democracy that suits their relative social contexts. Muslim communities, however, would benefit from industrial empowerment, cultural cooperation, and a climate of regional coordination. For example, some countries in the Middle East sell oil and buy consumer products and endless weapons for the defense of immensely insecure regimes. In those countries, this economy currently serves as the background for violence; yet with some adjustments in international investment, it would open the door to political improvements.
This region in particular lacks industrial infrastructure to produce its basic commodities. Why doesn t the Middle East organize a common market the European way or strengthen its already existing regional trade blocs such as GAFTA or the GCC? Of course, relevant education and training are prerequisites for such advanced regional planning. Education and training in the region are not geared towards the jobs required to conduct this planning and to produce appropriate infrastructure. It is here where the West can help the Middle East restructure massive human investment. Only an economy that balances investments in agriculture and other basic commodities with investment in industry and services can generate good employment, social security and political stability.
Consider what the American University of Beirut (AUB) has done to generate a wealth of good will between the Arabs and the West. I am a graduate of this institution of cultural exchange. It is on this campus where I learned to appreciate my Christianity, love Islam and defend America. AUB has trained several hundred thousand leaders for the Arab and Muslim world since its inception in 1866. The cost of supporting AUB over the past 140 years is equivalent to what the US spends in Iraq in two to three months.
Diaspora Muslims are natural agents of intercultural exchange with the West. The open political environment is likely to give the overseas Muslim community opportunities to contribute political innovations to their home countries. Since industrialized nations will continue to need the labor and talent of overseas immigrants, Islamic communities in Europe and the US will expand. The diaspora can accelerate dialogue with host societies if they are properly approached. Immigrants will moderate if embraced with friendly public policies. Islam in the West is an experiment , and with support from Muslim societies abroad, we can help diffuse the negative energy of radical Islam at home and in the West.
Dr. Ghassan Rubeizis a Lebanese-American Middle East analyst. He was previously the Secretary of the Geneva-based World Council of Churches for the Middle East. His blog is aldikkani.blogspot.com. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
