By Tamer Alaa El-Din
You who are in power have only the means that money produces. We, who are in expectation, have those which devotion prompts. A devotion that may fall occasionally yet is often violently feared.
July 23, 1952 marked the beginning of an end. Egyptian militia controlled the cities of Fustat, Memphis, Alexandria, and Cairo for the first time in over two millennia; capitals that once hosted a spectrum of empires from the Islamic Fatimid, the Assyrians, Byzantines and Ptolemies had returned to their rightful Pharaonic descendants. Once again, Egypt belonged to the Egyptians! In a bloodless coup, young officers heeded the calls of the masses and united to end the “tyranny” of a monarchy that suppressed the majority and ultimately brought about the restoration of an identity. The hopeful ambition, that is devotion, finally returned the mother of all nations to the warm embrace of her children. The reality of sed levius fir patientia quicquid corrigere est nefas became a forged ideology.
On July 26, 1952, amid 21 gun salutes, and royal salutations, an emotionless King Farouk stared blankly at his wristwatch. At 1800 hours he stepped aboard a cutter and was carried to the Mahroussa. The King had become a civilian, exiled and stripped from being a monarch of Egyptians, or even an Egyptian. He was enough of a philosopher to know there is no murder in politics; he understood that in politics there exist not men, but ideas; not feelings, but interests; in politics, men are not killed, only removed as obstacles, an overwhelming feeling that Mr. Farouk came to not just understand but experience as he sailed away from a nation-state he once reigned.
Fifty-eight years later, reflecting on four military presidents, many perhaps await a second restoration. In a lifetime, Egyptians have become Arabs and not Egyptians; Egyptians have lost and regained their lands with conditions; Egyptians have once led and now follow a conflicted region. There is a need to reject the stagnant status quo and put forth an active effort to change, irrespective of its immediate failure.
Those who are just and resolute will not be moved from their settled purpose, either by the misdirected rage of their fellow citizens, or threats of an imperious society. In the shadow of an ailing leader, many await the next in command. Will the society entertain a personalistic regime, or do other options provide a varied perspective of change? It is known, there will be shift in the sands, it is only a question of whether the devotion will be violent, or whether political stagnation can change otherwise.
In 29 years, a state of stagnation seems to have become the accepted norm. The “jewel” seems to have lost its historical sparkle, leaving it in a constant state of nostalgia, causing it to look back often to its glorious days of seven thousand years ago. A once intellectually brimming capital with scientific and religious prowess seems to have been brought to its knees, slowly sinking in the deep desert sand that occupies its territories.
To revive its passionate soul, an excavation is necessary, not merely gentle brushstrokes, but a desert storm, revealing the soul of antiquities greatest empires. The head winds of change are grossly overdue. Egypt must tenaciously grasp its place on the global forum, not as a passive host to academic seminars and hotel conferences, but as a leader of change. Accordingly, a two-fold domestic and international agenda must ensure.
The genius of such change is homegrown, and the epitome of leadership is presence. Domestically, the priority is to address the failed education system. The realization that to learn is not to know is imminent, for there are the learners and the learned; memory makes the one, intellect the other. Through such discourse, perhaps a sense of ownership may overcome Egyptians, and the public will no longer need to wait for a sporting event to discover their patriotic passions. Instead, the people will reaffirm the fundamental truth that they are one, divided in failure and united in success and not the alternative. This will help develop and achieve the much-desired homegrown respect, for no nation will bestow honor another that does not revere itself.
Internationally, Egypt needs to comprehend that it is a republic with domestically driven global agendas, and neither is it ‘Arab,’ nor ‘African.’ This means that while they must spearhead and take a stance on healing the Palestine wounds, it should not oversee nor neglect its backyard. For there is urgency in appreciating its resources, and understanding that its source of existence is in question. Egypt’s geographic and cultural existence is not a dichotomy, nor is it mutually exclusive – rather it should be embraced as an admirable diversity of its being. Such presence in the “Afrab” region should be a natural byproduct of its investment in the social, economic and security framework of both regions.
Such changes are imminent, and the shift in sands will be inevitable. Even if the immediate future is shrouded in obscure darkness, Egyptians need not fear the unknown; such apprehension is only a mere product of the lack of ownership of what is genuinely theirs—their destiny.
