By Adel El-Adawy
We reach yet another 25 January anniversary, and Egypt is still not a vibrant consolidated democracy. Three years of political and economic instability has changed the mood in the Egyptian street. The significance of 25 January has been largely overshadowed by the popular 30 June Revolution. Today, many Egyptians yearn for stability, as they face serious security threats and major socio-economic grievances. The popular removal of the fascists’ secretive Brotherhood cult was seen by some as a step backwards for democracy, but it was actually a necessity and inevitable for Egypt’s real democratic prospects.
However, for Egypt to really move forward it needs to revolutionise the way it seeks to achieve its political demands. Today, vocal activists regard the act of “protesting” as the ultimate goal, rather than a means to an end. It is easy to criticise and turn to the streets, destroy buildings and clash with authorities. One can remove people from power by taking to the streets, but it is virtually impossible to rise to power by simply spending endless nights in a square. To be able to translate political dreams and socio-economic demands into reality, one has to work hard and compromise. Otherwise, one ends up in a vicious cycle of protest politics, with no voice in the formal political arena. With no seat on the political table, others get to define the political trajectory, while the actual catalysts of change are sidelined.
We always knew that the establishment of a democratic state would take time and encounter setbacks and obstacles. Egypt never had a democratic culture, but this is slowly changing. Of course, in comparison to advanced consolidated liberal democracies, Egypt might seem far off the mark. But, in the complex world of the 21st century, we need to put things in perspective. Critics to the current transitional period are quick to highlight incidents of repression or abuse in human rights, and draw negative conclusive assumptions about the fate of Egypt’s political developments. Some of the criticism is warranted, but most of it is not. Egypt’s destiny remains uncertain, but there are glimmers of hope that millions of Egyptians are holding on to.
In Egypt, we witnessed well-organised grassroots movements, like Tamarod, change the history of a nation when many doubted its potential impact. But, for members of the Tamarod movement to remain relevant in the future of Egyptian politics, they need to get involved in formal politics. Over the past few years, a more pluralistic political arena has started to emerge, encompassing over 70 political parties. Indeed, most of them are still weak forces, but they have the potential to become more relevant in the future.
Moreover, the recent participation of Egyptians in the constitutional referendum, which passed with an overwhelming majority, is a positive sign. Soon, Egypt will have an elected president, and parliament, which are further reasons to be optimistic about the future. Of course, the challenges are great, and if Egypt’s future deviates from the path of righteousness, the Egyptian people will take matters into their own hands.
Although Egypt’s political destiny is still being written, a return to a pre-Mubarak political era is unlikely. After three years of political turmoil, with two former presidents sitting in jail, Gamal Mubarak’s successors plan a distant dream, the emergency rule is lifted, presidential term limits are introduced, the radical Brotherhood has been exposed, and the people have been empowered; there is no turning back. The people have broken the barrier of fear and a full-fledged authoritarian relapse in Egypt is improbable. The 25 January and 30 June revolutions stand as proof to the power of the people. Whoever will govern Egypt in the coming years will think twice before underestimating the power of his own people.
Egypt, in a regional context, is better off than the tragic ongoing civil war in Syria, or the ungoverned territories of Libya and Yemen. The international community should give Egypt a chance and stop interfering in its domestic affairs. A few weeks ago, I sat down with one of the post-Mubarak prime ministers in a lengthy off-the-record discussion. His basic premise was that only Egyptians would determine their political future. He alluded to some interference during his tenure from countries that viewed themselves entitled to dictate Egypt’s path towards democracy. Although his claims could be exaggerated, I agree with his point that Egypt will pave its own democratic path based on its own values and principles. But, what struck me the most during the conversation were his comments about the youth, whom he respected but regarded as completely disorganised.
On the third anniversary of the 25 January Revolution, there is only one path forward for Egypt, which entails work, sacrifice and compromise. We have seen how countless hours of protests can eventually topple leaders. But, to replace those leaders with fresh ideas and alternatives, the transition from informal politics of the square to formal politics of the ballot box, is a necessity. This will allow the youth of Egypt to translate their gains into reality.
Adel El-Adawy is a Next Generation Fellow at The Washington Institute. You can follow him on Twitter: @AdelAdawy
