In The Godfather Part II, Michael Corleone (portrayed masterfully by Al Pacino) witnesses a crucial moment during the Cuban revolution: a captured rebel, instead of surrendering, detonates a grenade, sacrificing himself along with a high-ranking Cuban officer. That single scene was enough for Michael to realize that the rebels might ultimately prevail because they were fighting for an idea, without personal gain, unlike government employees who received salaries. A simple observation led to a profound and complex conclusion.
Recently, a similar kind of revelation unfolded on Facebook. A viral incident involved a woman who had ordered clothes through an online store. However, the delivery agent took it upon himself to investigate whether the woman intended to wear the clothes inside her home or in public. Claiming that he does not deliver “illegitimate” items, he consulted both the customer and his employer to determine the morality of the purchase. The woman, instead of condemning this intrusion, proudly shared the story online as if recounting an act of heroism. According to her social media profile, she is an Egyptian specialist in Arabic language instruction for foreigners and a graduate of Dar Al-Uloom, a religiously oriented faculty in Egypt. This young man, assuming the role of a religious enforcer, arbitrarily classified what is “legitimate” and “illegitimate” and found thousands of supporters for his actions on social media.
The radical religious right maintains significant control over Egypt’s cultural landscape. These performative, hyper-moralistic behaviours reflect extremist patterns that have emerged due to the absence of a modern Egyptian cultural project, one that could replace the ideological sediment that has accumulated over decades, largely due to deliberate efforts by powerful external forces to undermine Egypt’s historical moderation.
For years, extremist right-wing groups have infiltrated labour unions and small mosques while expanding religious education, all while leftist forces faced increasing suppression. This allowed the Muslim Brotherhood to present itself as a form of “social left” advocating wealth redistribution and social justice. This became an unspoken social contract between the Brotherhood and certain sectors of Egyptian society, one that ultimately collapsed when those same sectors realized they had placed their faith in a group lacking administrative competence, creative vision, and even basic political intelligence. The Muslim Brotherhood’s obsessive, desperate attempts to seize total control exposed their sheer incompetence. They filled a vacuum that the state left behind, and now it is time for us to reclaim what was taken before they find another way to sneak back through the side doors.
The prevailing cultural paradigm determines attitudes toward national identity, the arts, tourism, foreigners, scientific research, creativity, and women’s rights. It dictates the extent to which religion is woven into everyday life—from language and fashion to education curricula. Presently, a radicalized cultural model dominates Egyptian society, manifesting in frequent intrusions on personal freedoms under religious pretexts. Neither the state nor civil society has exerted enough effort to introduce a moderate Egyptian alternative. A cultural model is not merely an ideology, it is a way of life, shaped over years through legal frameworks, policies, and institutional practices that normalize and reinforce a particular worldview until it becomes the default.
The question is not “when” the religious right will reclaim Egypt’s cultural sphere as if such a return were inevitable. The real, urgent question is: “What are we doing to prevent it?” Security measures are crucial, but they are not enough to fight ideas. The dominant cultural model in Egypt today is an extremist religious framework, performative, radical, and imposed upon society since the 1970s under the “Science and Faith” regime. There is no comprehensive alternative to counter it, and this poses a serious existential threat to a nation of Egypt’s immense cultural stature.
Dr. Ramy Galal is a Columnist, Senator, and academic specializing in cultural affairs, particularly in areas such as national identity, soft power, and combating hostile cultural invasion. In the Senate, he has introduced numerous proposals aimed at reforming cultural policies and fostering cultural dialogue. He has also authored several studies on topics such as the “Cultural Economy,” “Cultural Diplomacy,” and “Restructuring the Ministry of Culture.”
Throughout his career, Galal has held key positions both inside and outside government, in opposition and ruling circles, in the private and public sectors, and in both legislative and executive capacities. He holds a PhD from Alexandria University, a Master’s degree from the University of London, and a diploma from the University of Chile. He has also completed advanced governance and leadership programs in the UK, Germany, and the US. Galal has represented Egypt in numerous international forums, including the High-Level Political Forum at the United Nations in New York and the World Government Summit in Dubai.
