A woman reacts to the verdict sentencing to jail the 43 defendants in the foreign funding of NGO case in 2013. (Photo by Mohamed Omar\ DNE File)
Special Year End 2014 Feature:
Most Egyptian civil society groups have reiterated the same demands all year long. They ask for the amendment or repeal of the Protest Law; an end to military trials for civilians; investigations into cases of security forces using force against peaceful protesters; and above all the reconsideration of governmental policies towards NGOs.
Mona Hassan, Head of Nazra for Feminist Studies, stressed the importance of having a parliament to address the different demands of civil society. She asked for “freedom for civil society organisations, halting the doubts and threats imposed on rights groups, in addition to the release of peaceful protesters and the presence of a national strategy to combat violence against women”.
Human rights lawyer Mohmed Zare noted that civil society’s main demands are related to the “improvement of the work environment for rights groups, in addition to the removal of legislative threats imposed on them”.
He further stressed the importance of adopting laws that abide by international standards and the Egyptian constitution, particularly laws regulating the work of civil society.
Zare, who heads the Egypt programme at the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) said his organisation was among many calling for a “transparent dialogue” with the government in order to reach a middle ground regarding law 84/2002, and to address “the apprehensions and fears” the government holds about these groups. The call followed the passing of the 10 November deadline that the Ministry of Solidarity assigned for NGOs to register under the law.
Zare’ expressed his wish for a return to the draft law proposed under former minister Al-Ahmed Boraei in 2013.While both the government and the NGOs agreed on the content of that draft, it was dropped following a cabinet reshuffle and the appointment of Ghada Wali to the post of minister of social solidarity in June 2014. Wali issued a new draft bill over the summer to regulate NGOs, calling on them to register under Mubarak-era law 84/2002.
Following the ministry’s decision, 29 NGOs responded through a joint statement announcing their rejection of the law, as it “allows the administrative authority to severely interfere with the NGOs’ affairs, objecting and cancelling their decisions, and ignoring their independence”.
NGOs called for its reversal, as the proposed bill imposes “restrictions” on rights groups operating in Egypt, and as “it violates Article 75 of the constitution”, which guarantees the freedom to form an association and acquire legitimacy upon notification, unlike the bill which recognises the association 60 days after registration.
Among the limitations of the law, NGOs are prohibited from conducting any field research or setting any opinion polls without the permission of the Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics (CAPMAS). It also allows the administrative body “to interfere in the internal matters of associations,” and grants the government the right to suspend the activity or close it down.
The Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE), Al-Nadeem Centre for Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence, and the Arab Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights (ECESR) were among many others criticising the law.
Head of the Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights Hafez Abu Saada argued that the draft law agreed upon under Al-Boraie “is the best draft law, as all parties involved agreed to it.”
Malek Adly, a lawyer at the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights, also said that Al-Boraie’s law was preferable to the current one, as it was discussed with NGOs, unlike the current law, for which “NGOs were not invited “.
CIHRS and other civil society organisations, including Al-Mawred Al-Thaqafy (Culture Resource) and the Carter Center, have decided to leave Egypt as a result of the new regulations.
EIPR registered in December under what it called a “flawed law”. EIPR Executive Director Khaled Mansour, however, said he aimed to challenge the law “in all the possible ways until it is amended”.
Mansour’s message to the president is that civil society should “be allowed to work freely”, noting that “EIPR welcomes oversight”, however without intervention, in the sense that “we don’t want someone to restrict or control the nature of our work”.
Mansour further noted “the government should deal with us as part of the country, not as enemies”.
Hadeel Hegazy spoke to the organisers of the controversial campaign
A Facebook campaign was been launched calling for Egyptian women to take back their right to dress as they please: Hanlbes Fasateen, or We Will Wear Dresses.
“The aim behind the campaign is urging girls to feel free to wear what they want; it’s their basic right,” said Michael Nazeehs, one of the founders of the campaign. Many women feel restricted in their attire due to prevalent sexual harassment on the street, he added. “We want them to say, ‘we are not afraid; we will wear what we want,’” Nazeehs said.
Many times the blame for sexual harassment has been squarely put on the victim, often claiming she was dressed inappropriately, completely disregarding the fact that many modestly and conservatively dressed women are sexually harassed and assaulted.
The accompanying hashtag was picked up by Twitter users, and the campaign became popular shortly after it was launched.
Cairollers in action (Photo from Courtesy of Cairollers Facebook page)
Thoraia Abou Bakr discovered roller derby is not for the faint at heart
For many years, sports in Egypt have been limited, with the few exceptions of watching football matches and going to the gym. However, the past year has seen a lot of new initiatives to change this and now there is yet another sports team that has arrived in the city: Cairollers.
“We, cofounders Indie Hannah (Angie Turk) and Naughty Venclose (Shaneikiah Bickham), met and discovered that we had both played derby before moving to Egypt. As a passing joke we mentioned starting a team in Cairo. As we got more settled in our new city, we were ready to take on the challenge of that dream,” Shaneikiah Bickham, one of the founders, said.
Cairollers are dreaming big; as the sole roller derby team in Egypt, they do not want to simply keep practicing but they want to turn it into a legitimate sport. “We want to grow a league of skate teams in Cairo, which means 60-70 skaters, venues, positive publicity, and lots of shoving and hitting!” Bickham said.
A new hybrid orange tree that can be grown in a pot and offers oranges eight months a year (Photo by Abdel-Rahman Sherief)
Abdel-Rahman Sherief visited the annual Spring Flowers exhibition in Orman Park
Many agrarian entities and nurseries take part in the prestigious annual exhibit in Orman Park to present their latest creations of flowers and plants. The annual exhibition revives the nearly rendered obsolete and mistreated park built by Khedive Ismael in 1875. Orman is a Turkish word for forest or jungle.
In the past many Egyptian Pashas or Beys, the elite of Egyptian society before the 1952 Revolution, competed on who owned the most beautiful garden surrounding their mansions. The annual competition was open to the public who would flock to view the rare and exotic samples of flowers and plants.
According to Hani Hamza, a nursery manager of one of the exhibiting companies, in previous years most plants on display during the exhibition were imported from the Netherlands and other Eurozone countries. “This year most of the plants are locally produced; we found that it is possible to grow these flowers in Egypt,” said Hamza.
A young Nubian girl working on a traditional loom (Photo from Yadaweya Facebook page)
Thoraia Abou Bakr explored a new website featuring local craftspeople and their products
All over Egypt local tribes and Bedouins create the most beautiful crafts and products, but they rarely get the chance to exhibit and sell their work outside their local area. In addition, many of the shops that do carry those products do not shine much light on the makers of the items.
Yadaweya, meaning handmade in Arabic, is a website that ties the craftsmen and women to their crafts and products, and then make the products available worldwide. “I am from Qena in Upper Egypt and I grew up watching my parents and grandparents working on their crafts and products. There are a lot of different crafts in Egypt; but little attention is paid to them and most of the crafts are becoming extinct,” founder Usama Ghazali said.
“Yadaweya is a place where you can get to know the spirit of the art and we exhibit the work of the artists. You can also find the story of each craft. The main idea is to connect the craftspeople in Egypt with the rest of the world,” Ghazali explained.
A Kef pendant in sterling silver inlaid with lapis lazuli (Photo from Adam Elwan Design)
Adel Heine sat down with the young Egyptian designer and talked tradition and modern designs
Jewellery design and production has been part of Egyptian culture for as long as anyone can remember. In the last few years a lot of new designers have started to sell their pieces through social media and exhibitions, with many designs featuring traditional Arabic calligraphy.
Young designer Adam Elwan is different; he has designed a collection that is fresh, clean-lined and very beautiful, using sterling silver or 18ct gold and precious and semi-precious stones and wood. He spent time in Europe to learn the craft of design properly: “I studied for three years in Florence at Le Arti Orafe where I learned jewellery design and silversmithing.”
When he returned to Egypt he developed his own line of jewellery. “I work with the craftsmen of two families in the Khan. It is a shame to see how little work there is with the decline in tourism. Families have worked in their crafts for generations yet these days the younger members are leaving to find work elsewhere.”
Growing vegetables with this method eliminates pesticides and saves 80-90% of water (Photo From Egyptian Hydrofarms Facebook page )
Omar El Adl talked to Egyptian Hydrofarms about growing fresh vegetables hydroponically and pesticide-fre
If you have to be wearing a mask to be near plants when they are being sprayed with pesticides, how safe is it to be eating them a few days later? Egyptian Hydrofarms is the latest environmental effort that is looking to supply you with safe fresh vegetables.
Today, Egyptian Hydrofarms produces a half tonne of lettuce and other herbs, “until we start operating at full capacity, we are only producing a half tonne of things that are considered greens; lettuce, basil, rocket, spinach, et cetera,” said Amr Bassiouny, founder of Egyptian Hydrofarms.
Egyptian Hydrofarms says the word “hydroponics” literally means “working water”. They call it the “art” of farming without the use of irrigation and therefore without the use of pesticides. The plant roots are allowed to grow in a nutrient-rich solution which Bassiouny says decreases water consumption by as much as 80-90% compared to traditional farming.
Participant in the urban beekeeping workshop shows a comb with honey (Photo from Nawaya Facebook page)
Adel Heine found out how to be a host to a colony of bees
The current trend of eating a healthy diet has inspired many to switch to organic produce. And while supermarkets now offer organic options, some are taking it a step further and are growing their own vegetables in their gardens, rooftops and balconies. Nawaya, a not-for-profit initiative that promotes true sustainability, organised a workshop recently that introduced yet another possibility to produce your own food: honey.
Urban beekeeping is becoming more popular around the world and according to Sara El Sayed, one of the founders of Nawaya. “Bees are vitally important to farming, they are needed to pollinate crops,” El Sayed said. “Keeping your own bees will also allow you to have access to your own honey, of course,” she added.
“This workshop was an introduction to what it means to keep bees in an urban environment, how to do it and how to taste the different honeys. We plan to follow it up with how to build and maintain your own colony,” El Sayed said.
Driftwood turned into a kitchen cabinet (Photo from Gazwareen Facebook page)
Thoraia Abou Bakr spoke to the doctor who transforms what the sea brings to shore in beautiful furniture
When a ship sinks and starts to disintegrate, the wood that the vessel was made off get lost at sea. After a while, the wood finds its way to a beach and lies there in the sun. Some people may not imagine that this type of wood can be used, but Shahir Mikhail does. Mikhail is the founder and owner of Gazwareen, the name of which is a type of tree in Arabic.
Mikhail recalls the many summers he used to spend helping his father with his hobby. “I spent my whole childhood in Agami,” he explained. Agami is a beach-town close to Alexandria, and the place where he first saw driftwood.
“The sea salt makes the wood very hard and it also becomes insect-repellent. It has an aesthetic quality due to the withering and it also has a historic quality,” Mikhail said. The historic aspect comes from the fact that before landing on the beach, the wood went on a great journey. Mikhail emphasised this aspect which he believes gives the wood “its personality”.
Bites Fil Beit: Good Egyptian food
Iman Adel Abdel-Fattah shared a recipe with us each week, adjusted for the season and time of year. During Ramadan she suggested several full iftar menus per week, when school started she presented us with a variety of healthy sandwiches to pack in lunchboxes but most of all she shared the secrets behind traditional Egyptian dishes.
One of our favourites was Yellow Lentil Soup, a hearty, warm treat that brightens up grey winter days.
Emily Crane reviewed an evening of laughter, sadness and great music
The night opened with The Telephone, a one-act comedic opera telling the story of a man who is attempting to propose to his sweetheart but is continuously interrupted by her ringing telephone. Nesma Mahgoub’s stellar soprano blew the audience away and her excellent comic timing kept them laughing throughout the performance.
Things took a much more somber tone when the curtains reopened for the second act of the night. AUC’s Music Department delivered a breathtaking rendition of Les Miserables’ 17 most powerful songs, translated for the first time into colloquial Egyptian Arabic by Sarah Enany.
Neither production would have been possible without the solid piano accompaniment of Rosalie Capps who played for over two hours, carrying the vocalists through to a standing ovation.
The association also suffered looting of computers and equipment (Photo Courtesy of the Jesuits and Brothers Association)
Hannah Wilkinson spoke to the organisations that operated and used the theatre
On 14 August, the headquarters of the Jesuits and Brothers Association was attacked by unknown assailants in a sectarian assault. “At 10:30am they began to attack our centre from one side and threw stones and molotov cocktails at our door,” said Magdi Asham, an information sector director for the organisation which operates the headquarters.
“I have never been so frightened in all my life. I was frightened to death” said Biman, a Jesuit priest who preferred not to give his full name and was present during the attack. He confirmed Asham’s account of what happened. “They were in front of me, they had sticks, they had stones… they didn’t attack me, I call it a miracle, a blessing.”
Accustomed to growing tensions between Christians and Muslims in the region, Asham and Biman are nonetheless shocked by the destruction of a community resource which Asham claims served everyone in the area irrespective of religion.
The simple wooden chair in front of a kiosk in Zamalek is part of the 1001 Street Chairs of Cairo project (Photo from 1001 Street Chairs of Cairo Facebook page)
Hend Kortam spoke to the artist who is collecting images of the ubiquitous chairs in Cairo
Chairs are everywhere on the streets of Cairo. We all pass by at least one every day, and most of us march right past them without even noticing the car seat that has been converted into a street chair and placed on the sidewalk.
The chairs tend to get lost in the middle of all the spontaneity, improvisation and confusion on our streets. A project called 1001 Street Chairs of Cairo “aims to create a photographic archive” of Cairo’s street chairs. The picture of the chair is pinned on a map of the capital, showing a small icon of a chair on the location in which the picture was taken.
Manar Moursi, a co-founder of the project, said the chairs reflect more than just the design and cost factors, creativity and recycling: “People do not throw them away, they fix them.” She added that the chairs also reflect public space issues, gender issues (because only men sit in them) and even unemployment issues.
Sad Panda’s collaborative street art with The Mozza in Heliopolis (Photo from Sad Panda Facebook page)
Fatma Ibrahim and Thoraia Abou Bakr spoke to man behind Sad Panda
Graffiti and street art have always played an integral part in social demonstrations. With the recent rise in demonstrations, many protesters carry spray cans in order to paint slogans, and express their dissent and demands on any surface they can find. Sad Panda is a character that has become iconic in Egyptian street art.
The common themes of street art include the end of a regime, a women’s revolution, as well as the need for the people’s voices to be heard. Sad Panda, however, seems to be the best character to express the sense of loss and mourning for those who lost their lives during previous demonstrations, and for those who gave up and stopped fighting.
Sadness dominates Sad Panda’s life, and it is expressed in drawn features of the character; its figure is slumped, its face grimacing, and its demeanour implies the misery of it all. “I ruin walls, I am too sad to do anything for fun,” the artist added.
Actor Khaled Abol Naga interacts with one of the audience members during the play White Rabbit, Red Rabbit (Photo by Thoraia Abou Bakr)
Thoraia Abou Bakr attended D-CAF’s interactive play
One goes to a play to be told a story that is usually exaggerated for dramatic effect. Usually, the story contains more than one actor. Usually, there is a start, a peak and an end. Usually, the accepted audience participation is clapping or booing, in case of a bad performance. Usually, the actors know the lines before opening night. Usually, there is a director.
Iranian writer Nassim Soleimanpour decided to go another way. Instead of a rehearsed play, Soleimanpour wrote the script White Rabbit, Red Rabbit, sealed it in a closed envelope and gave instructions on how to use the envelope. The instructions were that one actor opens the envelope on stage, and he/she is provided with two glasses and a small bottle of an unknown substance. There are no rehearsals, no direction, nothing. It all depends on the actor and the audience.
Ghaly Mohamed at work in his workshop (Photo by Abdel-Rahman Sherief)
Abdel-Rahman Sherief visited the silversmiths of Cairo
Precious, fashionable and within the scope of most people’s budgets, silver ornaments are popular as gifts for a variety of occasions.
The raw silver used by local craftsmen is either Egyptian local silver, or Swiss silver, which is higher quality. Egyptian traders and artisans prefer to deal with the local silver however, as it is inexpensive.
Ghaly Mohamed, who has been a silver craftsman for 40 years, does a lot of work based on his customers’ requests, preferring innovative work to imitating ready-made designs or copying from a catalogue. He said silver workshops in Khan El-Khalili, known as El-Khoronfesh, used to be teeming with real creative and artistic craftsmen, unlike these days. “The problem lies in poor education; schools should first teach children commitment and discipline,” Ramadan said. “The core of education is to learn how to think and to become used to receiving instruction, but that is missing today.”
It started with a cabinet reshuffle promising stability and reform, only for chaos to take over-three weeks later—the cities of Port Said, Ismalia and Suez were then stained by the sentencing of 21 people to death for killing 72 football fans. Former President Mohamed
Morsi called for a state of emergency in the three cities, which was not implemented by the Armed Forces. Moreover, the curfew Morsi ordered was widely defied, with nightly football matches between residents and soldiers.
This was the first indication that Morsi was no longer in power, whether for the people or the military.
Sectarian clashes marred the month of April with when Al-Khasous Church was attacked, leaving seven dead. The Tamarod (Rebellion) campaign suddenly emerged, calling for signatures to remove Morsi from power, met with the ridicule of the Islamists and but the support of people on the streets.
Another cabinet reshuffle was ordered in May, but Egyptians were beginning to get frustrated in light of waning security and
the increasing economic burdens. Tamarod began to gain momentum on the ground, announcing the collection of millions of verified
signatures using the national ID.
Islamists started to feel the heat of the grassroots campaign, with another cabinet reshuffle announced on 16 June to appease
the people. The shuffle was done in vain as on 30 June, massive demonstrations filled the squares in the different governorates calling
for the ousting of Morsi. Millions on the street were chanting one thing: “Down with the regime”, a déjà vu of 25 January 2011.
For three days, Egyptians remained on the streets, while Morsi remained defiant until the fateful day of 3 July when Defence Minister Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi announced the removal of Morsi and the formation of a new civilian government.
Jubilation was the most appropriate word to describe the sentiments on the street following Al-Sisi’s announcement, but would it last?
In response, angry Islamists formed a sit-in demanding Morsi’s “legitimate” return in Rabaa Al-Adweya and Al-Nahda square. Both lasted little over a month, and were violently dispersed leading to the death of over 600 protesters and 51 officers officially and 969 protesters as claimed by other sources. The situation in Egypt did not calm down with Hazem El-Beblawi’s government and continued to fail to meet the demands of the people concerning the declining security and economy. Bombings are now a weekly occurrence, prices are increasing and, to top it all, crackdowns on the freedom of speech and the right to assembly as pursuant under the Protest Law are almost reported on daily basis, which will only serve in creating a pseudo Mubarak-era state and will fail in providing the coveted security.
According to different polls, Egyptians are hopeful that the new regime will bring them the much desired stability with the anticipated referendum and parliamentary and presidential elections.
But the economic situation remains dire and hungry people make for angry protesters. Unless true reform is undertaken, cabinets will continue to be reshuffled and presidents ousted.
Our rulers are letting those who defame and deform our religion speak in mosques and on television. They are leaving those who want to form morality police to do as they please on the streets. They turn a blind eye to those who are working to destroy the largest, most important Islamic institution in the world; Al-Azhar.
Left to themselves, our Islamist rulers will succeed in breeding an atheist generation. But will they be left to themselves? I think not, January 25 is impending.
The issue of rising religious skepticism has been noticed by many. It has taken space in much of the local press and several opinion pieces. But it’s been petty stuff. Instead of defending someone’s right to disbelieve, it’s being treated as a problem that needs confrontation. Instead of presenting a seething critique of the most backward and reactionary ideologies, a self-styled intelligentsia is acquiescing to the Islamist framework in its weakest of times.
Such is the sad and ludicrous reality for Egypt’s vulnerable Coptic community. While sectarianism is nothing new in Egypt, it is specifically the response of the Egyptian authorities to acts of violence that is at the core of the increasing hostility towards Coptic Egyptians. Reconciliation is a noble goal but when prioritised above justice, it creates a pervasive culture of impunity that ensures the repetition of these crimes.
Published 22 April 2013.
Mahmoud Salem: Regarding the dam
The natural conclusion is what we have now: a government unable to meet our energy needs because it lacks the hard currency to purchase it, all the while complaining about the high financial burden on our budgets that is our energy subsidies, and also not doing anything about it.
These odd positions are due to two reasons. Firstly, the situation relates to the interests of the United States rather than any principals to which the administration is committed as believed by some political amateurs. Those naive individuals think the US sides with democracy, protects minorities and defends women’s rights as advertised by American media and political propaganda.
The military council has turned Morsi into a symbol: a silent effigy of the man in power the Brotherhood once had. As long as the government holds Morsi, the Brotherhood will have a symbol to fall behind. If Morsi were released and his freedom actualised, his supporters may realise how impossible his reinstatement is. More fatal for the Ikhwan, he may actually have to lead again.
Does that mean Morsi’s supporters ought to be ignored? No – they are a sizeable, if numerically minor, proportion of the population – and they ought to be respected with regards to legitimate demands. A political accommodation needs to be created – and if done correctly, it could be to the benefit of all.
It is time that atheists and agnostics have their rights recognised in full, including their right to freely believe what they want, their right not to be described as a member of one of the three heavenly faiths, and their right, along with other Egyptians, to access civil courts.
Above all, we need to be regarded as equal citizens and not as targets for prosecution… or worse, persecution.
The Egyptian community in the coming period needs spiritual and political leaders to step up and help it heal; to have live debates on state TV for everyone to watch where grief is shared and opposing point of views are portrayed. Ways to accept the other and renouncing violence have to be drummed up in this aching community.
What really went wrong in Egypt was how rigid its politics became. What we are witnessing right now is not the beginning of a Syria-like scenario. What we are seeing is the normal result of mutual hatred, extreme polarisation and absolute lack of objectivity.
This is how we take power back as a people. This is how we defend our fellow citizens, our rights, and our country. This is how we reconcile. This is how we move forward. We cannot do it with facts alone, but we also cannot move forward without facts.
If we are not careful, the future of Egypt may be in the form of neo-nationalism: a mixture of militarism, socialism, and non-Muslim Brotherhood’s Islamism, all mixed together in a parcel that is wrapped with only a thin wrap of flawed democracy, in which the junta are leading from behind.
I live in fear. I slink around the streets at dusk because the fading light allows me to merge into the lengthening shadows. I wear non-descript clothing, hide the majority of my face behind sunglasses and have my hair tied up in a bun so the blonde will not show too much.
It was a move that made the political opposition, activists, intellectuals and average citizens believe that the regime was unfixable and there was no other option than bringing it down. It was just a matter of when and how.
Workers of the National company “Delta for Sugar” protest in front of the journalists syndicate . (Photo by: Hassan Ibrahim)
Egyptian workers held 2,486 protests in 2013, 2,243 of which took place during the reign of ousted former President Mohamed Morsi. A total of 243 protests were held under the military-backed interim government.
An average of 6.1 worker protests took place each day during the year. This was down from the total in 2012 when the number of demonstrations reached 3,300. The overall number of protests in 2013 topped that of 2011 when 1,300 protests took place.
January, February and March saw 278, 424 and 396 protests, respectively.
April registered the highest number of demonstrations for the year with 448.
During Morsi’s last month in office 288 protests took place. That total dropped sharply to 46 immediately after his removal from power.
The number of protests rose slightly in August to 55, but declined in September to only 45.
A sharp decline was witnessed in October, with only 25 protests held.
November registered the highest number of protests after Morsi’s ousting with 61 taking place during the month. Only 11 protests were recorded in December.
Workers held 912 demonstrations and marches in their protests, 36.6% of those recorded in 2013.
Strikes were the second most common with 558 strikes, or 22.4% of the total.
Workers held 373 sit-ins, accounting for 14.9% of the year’s protests, while 85 cases of hunger strikes were recorded in 2013.
There was a total of 10 protest-related suicide attempts during the year, only one of which was successful. A worker in the customs department of Port Said killed himself while demonstrating for increasing wages.
*Figures were provided by the Egyptian Center for Social and Economic Rights (ECESR)
Student supporters of ousted president Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim brotherhood clashed with security forces outside their university on 28 October (AFP File Photo)
Egypt’s student death toll reached four in 2013 after clashes at several university campuses. The deaths occurred in November and December 2013.
Medicinal student Abdel Ghany Mahmoud was killed on 20 November when security forces stormed Al-Azhar University’s student dormitory. engineering student Mohamed Reda was killed at Cairo University on 28 November and Abdel Latif Khalifah died on 26 December. Commerce student Khalid Al-Haddad was shot in the chest with live ammunition during clashes at Al-Azhar University on 28 December.
No official statistics for the death toll of university students who died during political events currently exists.
The government’s 25 December decision to list the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organisation was followed the next day by a ruling of the Supreme Council of Universities allowing armed, uniformed police personnel to be on campus during state examinations.
The total number of students detained since July – according to a statistic by the Student Observatory of the Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE) – stands at 611. A total of 301 students from Al-Azhar University have been detained, 101 of which were arrested on 28 December – the first day of autumn semester examinations. Mansoura University had 66 of its students detained, 39 were arrested from Cairo University and 37 from Ain Shams University.
The most significant sentence of 17 years was handed down to 12 Al-Azhar students, with a EGP 64,000 bail. An appeals hearing was set for 4 February.
Violence at Egypt’s universities has been escalating since clashes at Al-Azhar University on 30 October, where members of the Students Against the Coup group broke into and vandalised the university’s administrative building. University Chairman Dr Ossama Al-Abd requested that the prosecutor general send security forces to help restore order.
The outbreak of violence at Al-Azhar triggered a government decision on 31 October, allowing security forces to be present outside university campuses and to grant the university chairperson the power to authorise security forces to quell any rioting that takes place on campus.
Engineering students at Zagazig University had the longest successful student strike in 2013, which lasted from 16 to 25 November. It was organised by the Faculty of Engineering Student Union as a protest against the arrest of four students from different political ideologies, the tear gassing and arrest of students by security forces when storming the campus and the intrusion of anonymous elements that assaulted students and vandalised university property.
The demands of the students were communicated in a closed meeting with representatives of the Interior and Defence ministries, as well as interim President Adly Mansour. The students demanded the release of all detainees to allow them to sit their exams, the hiring trained administrative security forces, the resignation of the interior and education ministers and the creation of fact-finding committees that would include students in their investigations of violations at Egyptian universities.
The performance of Student Union President Mohamed Badran upset the majority of independent students who supported him against his rival from the Muslim Brotherhood on 23 April. Several groups including Al-Midan said that Badran no longer represented the students, describing his political stance as being in line with the government. Badran was quoted as saying that the students were, “Brain washed by the Muslim Brotherhood…and that engineering student Mohamed Reda was shot by members of the Brotherhood with a type of birdshot not used by the interior ministry.”
Administrative turmoil hit Egypt’s universities as a court order issued by the Supreme Administrative Court in April as the return of the campus of what is now Zewail Science City to Nile University was not executed. Zewail Science City is still receiving funding and accepting new students, disregarding a court order that prevents the return since it does not have an official campus. The court’s verdict was appealed by Zewail City, but the judge recused the case in December, stalling the legal process.
US Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel (R) meets with Egypt’s Foreign Minister Nabil Fahmy during the 9th International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) Regional Security Summit in the Bahraini capital Manama on 7 December (AFP PHOTO )
‘A correct and proper image’
Egypt’s foreign policy since Morsi’s removal has been to portray a “correct and proper image” to the outside world; a phrase coined by Foreign Affairs Minister Nabil Fahmy during his first press conference in July.
Fahmy and several other Egyptian diplomats embarked upon a campaign to reiterate this message through high-level meetings with their host governments. Fahmy dispatched a team of diplomats on a tour of African nations following the African Union’s decision to suspend Egypt’s membership to its Peace and Security Council. Contacts intensified with European Union member states following a decision by the bloc’s Foreign Affairs Council to suspend export licenses that could be, “used for internal repression.”
The message conveyed by the ministry in the months that followed reflected the message that Egypt was not satisfied with Morsi’s performance and that his overthrow was due to the popular will of the people. The ministry also explained the conflict between Morsi’s supporters and the security forces within the context of fighting terrorism.
US State Secretary John Kerry meets with Egypt’s Foreign Minister Nabil Fahmy during a bilateral meeting prior to the start of the UN General Assembly in New York (AFP File Photo/Emmanuel Dunand)
Neutral response from the US
Egypt’s relationship with the United States under Morsi was relatively stable despite criticism from Washington concerning the outbreak of sectarian violence in April. There was some debate in the US Congress about cutting military assistance to Egypt, however this remained unchanged until July.
The US’ policy toward Egypt after Morsi’s removal has wavered from support of the interim government to condemnation of the ensuing violence following crackdowns on the supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood. The State Department sent Assistant Secretary William Burns to Cairo to help facilitate a dialogue between the interim government and the Muslim Brotherhood.
The White House opted to remain neutral over the circumstances of Morsi’s removal and expressed support for the interim government’s efforts to move towards new elections.
Despite its noncommittal stance towards the interim government, Washington announced in October that further deliveries of US military aid would be suspended pending further progress towards the election of a civilian government. Egypt formally objected to the decision, but both countries pledged to continue working together on issues of mutual interest.
The relationship was further strained when Egypt’s long dormant relationship with Russia – once Cairo’s strongest supporter during the period of the Soviet Union – was re-established. Fahmy insisted that Egypt was not looking to replace one country with another, but rather to expand its list of partners and allies. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki also downplayed any damage caused to US interests amid stronger Egyptian-Russian ties.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov speaks with his Egyptian counterpart Nabil Fahmy in September 2013. (AFP File Photo/Vasily Maximov)
Turning to Moscow
Egypt’s relationship with Russia fundamentally changed following the ouster of Morsi. The Islamist president embarked upon a largely unsuccessful visit to Moscow after his requests for a US $2bn loan and wheat supplies were turned down.
In September, Fahmy travelled to Moscow for talks with his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov and Russia’s Security Chief Nikolai Patrushev.
Lavrov and Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu both visited Egypt in November for the first high-level talks in decades. The Russian delegation participated in a 2+2 meeting with Fahmy and Defence Minister Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, sparking media reports that Egypt was looking to replace US military aid after it suspended supplies earlier in the year.
Egypt’s foreign ministry later denied reports that an arms deal was the outcome of the meeting. Russia expressed its willingness to help finance Egypt’s nuclear energy aspirations and other development projects. An announcement in December stated that a second 2+2 meeting has been scheduled.
Egyptian Foreign Affairs Minister Kamel Amr and his Libyan counterpart Mohamed Abdulaziz talk during the opening session of the Arab foreign minister meeting in Cairo (AFP Photo)
Deteriorating relationship with Turkey
The relationship between Cairo and Ankara deteriorated quickly after Morsi was deposed. Egyptian-Turkish relations had strengthened during Morsi’s year in power, including closer coordination on regional issues such as the Syrian conflict and the Palestinian issue. Turkey also delivered a large portion of financial aid to Morsi’s government.
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan openly opposed the removal of Morsi from power, describing it as a “coup” and criticised the interim government on numerous occasions. Erdogan claimed that Israel was responsible for Morsi’s overthrow. Egypt’s Foreign Ministry warned Turkey over the statements, accusing Erdogan of interfering in internal affairs. Both countries recalled their ambassadors in August. The Turkish ambassador returned in September, but Egypt has yet to return its ambassador.
The relationship reached a low point when Egypt expelled the Turkish ambassador, labelling him persona non grata. Ankara reciprocated within hours, resulting in the downgrading of diplomatic ties to the level of Charge d’Affaires.
Improving ties with Africa
During Morsi’s time in office the relationship with Africa focused on water issues as former Prime Minister Hisham Qandil hosted diplomats from the Nile Basin amid a dispute with Ethiopia over the building of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the possible impact it could have on the water share Egypt could receive.
A diplomatic row followed the live broadcast of a national dialogue – unknown to some its participants – that attempted to publicly address the issue. Some later suggested that enhanced intelligence gathering operations were required in an attempt to destabilise Ethiopia.
Immediately following Morsi’s removal, the African Union suspended Egypt from its Peace and Security Council. The ministry rejected the decision and dispatched diplomats to various African nations to explain the circumstances that led to Morsi’s ouster.
Fahmy said in October that Egypt’s interim government is looking to re-position itself, “to regain its rightful place as a country of Arab identity and African roots.” Fahmy has made several trips to Nile Basin countries and the relationship with Ethiopia has improved as cordial talks continue over the GERD project. Fahmy insisted that in terms of water-related issues, “no alternative to cooperation between Nile Basin countries exists.”
The minister also travelled to Senegal in November, describing the visit as Egypt’s “first-step” towards engaging West Africa. He also said that Egypt can expect to start diplomatic efforts in Southern Africa in 2014.
Egyptian foreign minister Mohamed Kamel Amr and US secretary of state Hillary Clinton announce a truce between Hamas and Israel. (Photograph: Khaled Desouki/AFP/Getty Images)
Support from the Gulf
Relations between Egypt and the Gulf region were cordial under Morsi, but the welcome support from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates regarding his removal revealed some dissatisfaction. Qatar, a strong supporter of Morsi’s Islamist government, opposed his removal and tensions have increased since July.
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE initially pledged a total of $12 bn worth of financial assistance to Egypt. By the end of December approximately $8 bn had been transferred to Egypt.
Interim President Adly Mansour visited the three donor countries and Jordan during his first two official overseas visits.
Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohammed Kamel Amr and US Secretary of State John Kerry meets with Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi at the presidential palace in Cairo (AFP Photo)
Syrian conflict
Egyptian policy towards the Syrian conflict under Morsi saw an open endorsement of the country’s anti-government rebels and support of the jihad called by the Muslim Brotherhood. Morsi also advocated for the establishment of an international no-fly zone.
Fahmy stressed in his first press conference that jihad was not option in Syria, while voicing the interim government’s opposition to the possibility of foreign military intervention in the conflict. The ministry stressed that it would pursue efforts to reach a political solution to the crisis.
Egypt has also come under scrutiny for the treatment of Syrian refugees who flee to Egypt. Human Rights organisations, including Human Rights Watch, have released reports condemning Egyptian authorities’ treatment of the refugees. The ministry has denied the allegations and stressed that the refugees are treated like “brothers and sisters.”
Palestine
Egypt’s stance on Palestine remains unchanged under the interim government. The relationship with Hamas, the ruling power in the neighbouring Gaza Strip, has rapidly deteriorated since the summer.
Hamas, which is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, had been accused of interfering in Egypt’s internal affairs and were forced to deny that it played a part in attacks on the Sinai Peninsula following accusations made by Egypt’s armed forces.
Fahmy has expressed support for the Palestinian people during on-going negotiations with the Israel. He has condemned the building of new Israeli settlements and attacks on the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.
The largest death toll in a single day since the start of the 2011 uprising was registered in 2013. On 14 August, the military-backed government dispersed two large encampments set-up in support of ousted President Mohamed Morsi, killing at least 650 civilians in the process, according to official counts. It was dubbed by several human rights organisation as the “Rabaa Massacre,” in reference to the pro-Morsi encampment.
The Rabaa Al-Adaweya sit-in’s violent dispersal was both preceded and followed by grave human rights violations, making the year 2013 a “black year” for human rights, according to Lawyer Gamal Eid, who is the director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI).
Eid noted that human rights conditions have been “deteriorating” throughout the year.
Despite the notable surge in human rights violations during the second half of the year, following the ouster of Morsi, the first half of the year was not without human rights violations, Eid said.
“Referring Morsi’s opponents to an investigation was a very frequent matter, though most of them were not detained in the process,” Eid said. “After Morsi’s ouster, different media outlets echoed a single voice, either out of fear or due to their hysterical support for the 30 June protests. Anyone who had a different opinion was either restricted or silenced altogether, such as political satirist Bassem Youssef.”
Youssef’s satirical show on private-owned satellite Channel CBC was cancelled in November after only airing the first episode of the third season.
In the episode, the satirist took jabs at the cult of personality surrounding armed forces commander-in-chief Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi, Islamists, and low profile interim President Adly Mansour.
Under Morsi’s tenure, Youssef was interrogated in March by former prosecutor general Talaat Abdallah. He faced charges of insulting Morsi and harbouring contempt for religion.
Injured Morsi supporters transported following dispersal of Rabaa Al-Adaweya sit-in (Mohamed Gamil/DNE)
Eid said that Morsi and Abdallah, who was handpicked by Morsi and therefore seen to bear allegiance to him, opened the door to internal investigations at security camps as opposed to interrogating suspects inside courts. This phenomenon, Eid said, was expanded by the current regime.
Since Morsi’s ouster on 3 July, human rights conditions have taken a dangerous turn for the worse, Eid said.
“If the current military-installed regime’s only crime is the Rabaa massacre, the massacre alone is enough to place Egypt at the top of states that violate human rights,” Eid said.
At least 627 died during the Rabaa sit-in’s dispersal, according to the Forensics Authority, whereas independent figures indicate that 969 were killed during the dispersal.
“When almost 700 civilians are killed in 18 hours, it is a massacre,” Eid said. “Israel raided Lebanon in 2006 for 33 days and killed 620.”
The 2006 Lebanon war was a 34-day military conflict between the Lebanese Hezbollah militant group and the Israeli military. The war left at least 560 killed, according to Human Rights Watch.
Eid said that the current military-installed regime oversaw the killing of at least 1,300 civilians in six months, whereas Morsi’s one year in power saw 154 killed.
“Random arrests, and a series of laws that violate freedoms, including extending the period of preventive detention or issuing the Protest Law,” were exercises especially active in the second half of 2013.
Eid stated that the most problematic aspect of the second half of 2013 was the ambiguous nature of its ruling regime as it is neither entirely civilian nor explicitly military.
Eid believes that what happens with human rights standards depends on the outcome of presidential elections due next year.
“Either the change will be for the worse if the ruling regime is openly dominated by the military, or it will be slightly for the better if Egypt’s next president is outside the military’s grip,” Eid said.
Death toll of specific incidents:
*Disclaimer: All statistics were obtained from Wiki Thawra, a website dedicated to documenting the Egyptian revolution. Wiki Thawra was established by a group of independent youth. Its data mainly depends on reports by independent civil society organisations, including the Egyptian Centre for Economic and Social Rights (ECESR), the Hisham Mubarak Law Centre (HMLC) and the Front to Defend Egypt’s Protesters (FDEP).
Egypt is well-known for its haphazard driving system which cause traffic congestions and unfortunately accidents, which witnessed an increase in 2013.
The total number of accidents in Cairo and on travel roads in 2013 is 13,957 with a 24% increase from 2012
Total number of accidents on the top four roads:
1. Ring Road 2013: 4,906, a 24% increase from 2012
2. 26 of July Axis 2013: 1,296, a 27% increase from 2012
3. 6 of October Bridge 2013: 1,186, a 4% increase from 2012
4.Autostrad 2013: 1,081, a 28% increase from 2012
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